Wilson's Fourteen Points were based on a major idea—the principle of The Versailles delegates believed that this would substantially decrease, Articles 81, 82, and 84 show how the treaty attempted to address this a sacred trust of civilisation and that securities for the performance of this trust Connection Questions. Point 13 proposed an independent Poland with an "indisputably" Polish population. . the possibility of good relations with a future, non-Bolshevik Russia, seen as a Thus the Danzig Articles of the Versailles Treaty () stipulated that it . to the Kings of Bohemia in the 14th century, then to the Austrian Habsburgs. Wilson, the U.S. Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles and Wilson's proposed League of Nations, His Fourteen Points outlined his vision for a safer world.
Thus, he saw the role of the Paris Peace Conference as a trial of both defeated Germany and its people, and he resolved in his own mind to impose retributive justice upon them. Boemeke also describes a Wilson who was actively defending the Treaty after its signature, both at home and abroad and beyond the need to convince the U.
The Treaty of Versailles (article) | Khan Academy
The consequent disregard of visionary principle Though the precise role Wilson played in the abandonment of his broad objectives is not the concern of this paper, the important fact is that, one by one, those objectives were compromised in the negotiations of the Treaty of Versailles. Wilson had fully and naively believed that if the peace negotiations were held under the public eye, the people would demand justice in the form of a stable and fair peace, preventing future war through the observance of international law and mutual respect.
He had also believed that the people would restrain their political leaders, who otherwise would be predisposed to seek the best resolution possible for their respective countries. Either way, though the idea of open international agreements would be later codified in the covenant of the League of Nations see Article 18 of the Treatythe Paris peace conference had failed to set a good example for others to follow.
Point Two, the freedom of the seas, was also rejected in the early stages of the negotiations. Nonetheless, it was an obvious demonstration from the beginning of the conference that the victors were not willing to sacrifice their own national interest on behalf of a greater global interest, whatever that global interest might be. Wilson quickly saw he was not going to win on this point, and he dropped it to save his political battles for other points. But although the notion of removing trade barriers is never explicitly refuted in the Treaty of Versailles, Point Three is probably the single most violated Point in spirit.
The Allied leaders, reacting to public opinion that demanded some meaningful reward for their four years of terrible suffering, resolved to impose upon Germany the obligation to repay an enormous sum of war reparations to the Allies see the details Treaty Articles to In fact, the amount of reparations to be imposed upon Germany was so large and complex that the conference could not agree on a final figure nor on the components of the damages.
The final figure, announced at the London conference on reparations on May 5,was billion German Marks, or roughly 33 billion U.
Second, forcing Germany to pay large sums of money over a period of years would thoroughly disable the German war machine, since the German government would have no leftover resources to devote to it. Next, the map of the world had to be redrawn at the end of the war, and the diplomats in Paris proceeded to follow many of the territorial provisions of the Fourteen Points, Points Six through Thirteen see Treaty Articles 27 to Though not a focus of this paper, the territorial divisions went far beyond those proposed in the Fourteen Points, as the Big Three used their status as victors to divide up the German empire, granting to the newly established nations of Czechoslovakia and Poland parts of formerly German territory with strong concentrations of German citizens compare the maps of and below.
In the Treaty, the Allies went to great pains to ensure that German armaments were reduced to the lowest point imaginable see Articles Though clearly infringements of German sovereignty and unprecedented in a post-war peace treaty, the Allies considered these measures necessary to secure a safer world.
As for Wilson, he was content to apply his principle to the defeated Germans, upon whom it could be rather easily imposed, but it was also his ultimate intention to apply the notion of arms control more generally. At the same time, however, he was advocating a stronger U. One can surmise that Wilson believed collective security to be the essential process to prevent future wars as horrible as World War I, since he was willing to sacrifice many of his other principles to ensure Allied support for the League.
The covenant of the League began by spelling out the structure and procedures of the new assembly. In return, Petlyura gave up Ukrainian claims to East Galicia today western Ukraineand was denounced for this by the Ukrainian leaders there.
The treaty included guarantees for the rights of the Ukrainian minority in Poland and the Polish minority in Ukraine. They entered Kiev on May 7, and an independent Ukrainian state was proclaimed there. However, the expected Ukrainian uprising against the Soviets did not take place. Ukraine was ravaged by war; also, most of the people were illiterate and had not developed their own national consciousness.
Finally, they distrusted the Poles, who had formed a large part of the landowning class in Ukraine up to In Junea Red Army offensive drove out the Poles who retreated westward, and was approaching Warsaw in late June.
On July 2, the Soviet commander, Mikhail N. Tukhachevskyissued an "Order of the Day" to his troops calling them to press "onward to Berlin over the corpse of Poland! British Prime Minister David Lloyd George was furious with the Poles for marching into Ukraine because he was negotiating a trade agreement with a Bolshevik delegation in London; also, he feared a German revolution if the Red Army reached Germany.
Therefore, the British government proposed a demarcation line based on the Supreme Council Line of December 8,but this was now called the "Curzon Line" after British Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon who did not draw it up. The Polish delegation at Spa had agreed to negotiate with the Soviets on the basis of the current Polish-Soviet frontline in East Galicia-- but the British extended the Curzon Line into East Galicia without telling them, leaving the then predominantly Polish city of Lwow Lviv and the oil fields on the Soviet side, However, the Bolshevik government.
Meanwhile, an Anglo-French diplomatic mission and a military mission were sent to Poland as a sign of allied support for her independence. The Poles were in a very difficult position. Germany proclaimed neutrality and refused passage to French arms and munitions for Poland. In Czechoslovakia, railway workers refused to let trains with military supplies go through to Poland. British dock workers sympathized with the Bolsheviks, so they threatened to strike if ordered to load ships for the Poles.
The only way French supplies could reach Poland was through Danzig. Nevertheless, the Poles unloaded some supplies in the fishing port of Gdynia, about 20 miles west of Danzig in the "Polish Corridor.
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They also unloaded supplies from French ships, standing off Danzig, onto barges which proceeded directly to Tczew German: Dirschauwhence they were loaded on trains to Warsaw, and then to the front. He then advised the Poles to abandon Warsaw and set up a defense line on part of the Vistula river. He and his chief of staff, General Jordan T. Rozwadowski drew up a daring plan of attack.
Some Polish troops were withdrawn from the Warsaw perimeter and concentrated in a strike group south of the city. On August 13, Pilsudski launched the attack toward the north-north west. The Red Army was defeated. He denied this, but got used to the idea with time and came to see himself as the savior Poland.
Most textbooks on the history of Modern Western Europe do not mention the Polish victory. It was only in the early years of the 21st century that Polish historians found sacks of Red Army cipher messages that had been deciphered by Polish cryptologists. They had been taken from Polish Military Intelligence archives by the Germans inthen by the Soviets inreturned in the mids to Poland, and had lain in Polish archives untouched for another half century.
Thus, it became clear, that Pilsudski knew where Red Army units stood, and this helped him make his decision to launch the Polish attack on August 13 The captions are by Davies. The peasants made up the infantry and the rank-and-file of the cavalry. Boodyonnyto which Iosif [Joseph] V.
The Polish army also used armored trains, which with their heavy guns were like warships moving on land. They also transported heavy artillery, horses, and planes. Cooper, later the maker of the famous horror film, "King Kong. The pilots found after a while that they could not shoot Russian troops with impunity because the Red Army had machine guns mounted on "tachankas," that is, fast moving, small, two wheel horse carts.
The Poles also used them and each side claimed title to the invention. But the war was mainly a fast moving cavalry war on both sides.
It helped the cavalry to survive in the interwar period as an important part of both the Polish Army and the Red Army. As mentioned earlier, in early July the Soviet government refused the British offer of the Curzon Line. Chicherinthe Bolshevik government said it desired direct negotiations with the Poles to whom it would offer far more territory than the Curzon Line. Encouraged by the British, the Poles agreed to negotiate. However, the Soviet demands put to the Polish delegation in August in Minsk were draconian.
Kholm] regions --but also the following: The acceptance of these terms would have made Poland a Soviet satellite. The Poles refused, though Lloyd George had urged them to accept.
The French did not. After the defeat of the Red Army, Lenin gave a confidential explanation of why his government had refused the Curzon Line offer and continued the advance into Poland. We confronted the question: The assessment went thus: We faced a new task We could and should take advantage of the military situation to begin an offensive war This we formulated not in the official resolution recorded in the protocols of the Central Committee In this manner, in Germany and England we created a completely new zone of proletarian revolution against global imperialism By destroying the Polish army we are destroying the Versailles Treaty on which nowadays the entire system of international relations is based Had Poland become Soviet This document was first published in a Russian historical periodical, Istoricheskii Arkhiv, vol.
Woodrow Wilson's "Fourteen Points"
An armistice with Poland was signed in Riga, Latvia, on October 12, and peace negotiations began in that city.
The negotiations for a peace treaty dragged on for months due to Soviet reluctance to sign. Furthermoe, peasants were also rising up against Soviet authorities, who were confiscating all their food to feed the Red Army and the workers in the cities. In view of this situation, Lenin ordered the Soviet plenipotentiaries to secure a peace treaty.
This led to the signing of the Treaty of Riga on March 18, It established the Polish-Soviet frontier which lasted until the Soviet attack on Poland in mid-September It was a compromise peace for both sides, because Pilsudski gave up his plans for a federation with Lithuania and Belarus and alliance with an independent Ukraine, while Lenin gave up his plans for making Poland a Soviet state and exporting the revolution West, at least for the time being.
The Soviet government never accepted the new frontier and was determined to change it in its own favor as soon as opportunity arose. Pilsudski apologized to the Ukrainian officers who had helped the Poles fight the Red Army, but now lost their struggle for an independent Ukraine.
For the diplomatic side, see Piotr S. For these and other sources see John A. Drobnicki, "The Russo-Polish War, The discovery of Red Army ciphers, broken by the Poles, was publicized in the Polish press in August The work first appeared in In the Introduction - also to the 2nd printing - Fisher thanked Soviet Commissar of Foreign Affairs, Grigorii Chicherin, for helping him with the research, for reading the whole work, and giving Fisher his comments.
Litvinov and other Soviet dignitaries. Significance of the Polish victory. However, neither the factors leading to the Polish-Soviet war, nor the significance of its outcome were understood by most observers in the West. On the contrary, many western politicians and journalists accused Poland of having started an "imperialist war" against Soviet Russia and of annexing "Russian" lands --though these were, in fact, inhabited mostly by Belarusians and Ukrainians with signifcant Polish minorities.
At the time,the Belarusians and Ukrainians were not strong enough to become independent. As it turned out, they were to suffer much less under Polish rule than their brothers in the USSR who came under the iron fist of Joseph V. Soviet propaganda constantly accused the Poles of oppressing the Ukrainians and Belorussians, and demanded their "self-determination," which meant annexing Western Belarus and Ukraine to the Soviet Belarussian and Ukrainian Republics. In the early s, millions or Soviet citizens were to starve, especially in Ukraine, as the result of Stalin's policy of forced collectivization.
Other conflicts over Polish borders.
The Treaty of Versailles
The new Lithuanian state proclaimed the city as its capital, for it had been the capital of the Duchy of Lithuania before its union with Poland in Pilsudski, who was a native of the region and had lived in Vilnius, had two reasons to include it in Poland, or at least in some union with Poland: Polish public opinion stood solidly behind Pilsudski.
The Russians, of course, saw it as a passage into their country from the West. Polish armies came into Lithuania inwhen they pushed the communist Litbel government out of Vilnius, and again after Polish victory in the Polish-Soviet war.
The Polish seizure of Vilnius in October, must be seen in the context of Lithuanian-Soviet relations. In JulyLithuania concluded an alliance with Soviet Russia allowing free passage of Soviet troops, which was obviously a great threat to Poland. In return, the Soviet government recognized that Vilnius was the capital of Lithuania.
Pilsudski offered a compromise solution to the Lithuanian government and people: The Lithuanian government refused. Lucjan Zeligowski "mutinied" against Warsaw and led a Polish division into Vilnius. In fact, Pilsudski asked him to do so, in order to avoid a direct confrontation with the western powers and the League of Nations.
Wilsonianism within the Versailles Treaty
He admitted this later to western ministers in Warsaw in December The Polish division was welcomed enthusiastically by most of the population of the region,which was Polish. However, Britain and other League of Nations powers were furious with the Poles and the Lithuanians demanded to have the city.
Zeligowski proclaimed a "Central Lithuania" with its capital in Vilnius. Since Lithuania refused to accept this solution, a plebiscite was held in the city and region in which the majority - Poles - voted for union with Poland, so it joined Poland in Lithuanians in the region boycoted the vote, but they were a minority anyway. Lithuania never recognized this union and cut all road, rail, and postal communications with Poland.
InPilsudski managed to make the Lithuanian President, Antanas SmetonaPresidentdeclare publicly at a League of Nations meeting in Geneva that Lithuania would not go to war with Poland over Vilnius. This lasted until Marchwhen Poland, fearing German or Soviet domination of Lithuania, issued an ultimatum to the Lithuanians government in Kaunas.
It demanded the establishment of normal relations. The Polish-Lithuanian Dispute over Vilna, Lithuanian resentment of Poland ran very deep and Lithuanians have only reccntly early years of the 21 st century begun showing signs of understanding Polish aims and motives in Both countries realize the need for cooperation in the face of Russian economic pressure oil aimed at restoring predominant Russian influence on them.