BBC - History - British History in depth: The Hidden Story of Partition and its Legacies
As India and Pakistan celebrate their twin 70th birthdays this August, the frontier post of Wagah reflects the profound dysfunction in their relations. the choreographed complicity between the two sides; and the fact that the. A timeline of the rocky relationship between the two nuclear-armed South Asian - India and Pakistan go to war a third time, this time over East Pakistan. . the two countries reach an agreement to cool tensions and cease hostilities. In many aspects, India and Pakistan are not exceptional. opts for all of them, accurately conveying just how complicated India-Pakistan relations are. . and nurturing LeT and others similar groups is an open secret, Levy and Scott-Clark 5 Things the Pentagon Isn't Telling Us About the Chinese Military.
Afghanistan—India relations and Afghanistan—Pakistan relations Afghanistan and Pakistan have had their own historic rivalry over their border, the Durand Linewhich numerous Afghan governments have refused to recognize as the border. This has led to strong tensions between the two countries and even military confrontationsresulting in Pakistan as victorious.
Pakistan has long accused Afghanistan of harboring Baloch separatist rebels and attempting to sponsor separatist tendencies amongst its Pashtun and Baloch populations, going as far back as the s. It has been believed that Pakistan during the s, then under Zulfikar Ali Bhuttoin retaliation began supporting Islamist factions in Afghanistan.
The later Soviet intervention in Afghanistan to prevent further escalation and eventual Islamist takeover of the country proved disastrous afterwards. The United States and its allies feared direct Soviet involvement in Afghanistan and began aiding Pakistan's support for the Afghan Mujaheddin, in hopes of crippling the Soviet Union. The Soviet-Afghan war turned out to be a stalemate with heavy casualties on all sides and costly for the Soviets.
Under international agreement, the Soviets withdrew. But various Afghan factions fought one another and their external supporters, including the Soviet Union, Iran, Pakistan and others disagreed on which should be in power. Continued rival proxy support led to the civil warin which Pakistan supported in the Talibanseeking to secure its interests in Afghanistan and providing strategic support, while India and Afghanistan's other neighbors backed the Northern Alliance.
After the Taliban defeated the Northern Alliance in much of Afghanistan in the Afghan Civil Warthe Taliban regime continued to be supported by Pakistan — one of the three countries to do so — before the 11 September attacks. India firmly opposed the Taliban and criticized Pakistan for supporting it.
India established its links with the Northern Alliance as India officially recognized their government, with the United Nations. India's relations with AfghanistanPakistan's neighbor, and its increasing presence there has irked Pakistan. The Indian embassy bombing in Kabul was a suicide bomb terror attack on the Indian embassy in KabulAfghanistan on 7 July at 8: Bush confronted Pakistani Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani with evidence and warned him that in the case of another such attack he would have to take "serious action".
Insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir According to some reports published by the Council of Foreign Relationsthe Pakistan military and the ISI have provided covert support to terrorist groups active in Kashmirincluding the al-Qaeda affiliate Jaish-e-Mohammed.
Many Kashmiri militant groups also maintain their headquarters in Pakistan-administered Kashmirwhich is cited as further proof by the Indian government. Author Gordon Thomas stated that Pakistan "still sponsored terrorist groups in the state of Kashmir, funding, training and arming them in their war on attrition against India.
Why India and Pakistan Hate Each Other – Foreign Policy
A car bomb exploded near the Jammu and Kashmir State Assembly on 1 Octoberkilling 27 people on an attack that was blamed on Kashmiri separatists. It was one of the most prominent attacks against India apart from on the Indian Parliament in December The dead bodies of the terrorists and the data recovered from them revealed that Pakistan was solely responsible for the activity. On 13 Julyarmed men believed to be a part of the Lashkar-e-Toiba threw hand grenades at the Qasim Nagar market in Srinagar and then fired on civilians standing nearby killing twenty-seven and injuring many more.
Abdul Ghani Lone, a prominent All Party Hurriyat Conference leader, was assassinated by an unidentified gunmen during a memorial rally in Srinagar. The assassination resulted in wide-scale demonstrations against the Indian occupied-forces for failing to provide enough security cover for Mr.
A car bomb exploded near an armoured Indian Army vehicle in the famous Church Lane area in Srinagar killing four Indian Army personnel, one civilian and the suicide bomber.
India–Pakistan relations - Wikipedia
Terrorist group Hizbul Mujahideenclaimed responsibility for the attack. A terrorist attack on 29 July at Srinigar 's city centre, Budshah Chowk, killed two and left more than 17 people injured.
Most of those injured were media journalists. No Terrorist group claimed responsibility for the attack.
A terrorist attack by four heavily armed terrorists on 18 Septembernear the town of Uri in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, killed 18 and left more than 20 people injured. It was reported as "the deadliest attack on security forces in Kashmir in two decades". India blamed Pakistan for carrying out the attacks, an allegation which Pakistan strongly denied and one that brought both nations to the brink of a nuclear confrontation in — However, international peace efforts ensured the cooling of tensions between the two nuclear-capable nations.
The plane was hijacked on 24 December approximately one hour after take off and was taken to Amritsar airport and then to Lahore in Pakistan. After refueling the plane took off for Dubai and then finally landed in KandaharAfghanistan. Under intense media pressure, New Delhi complied with the hijackers' demand and freed Maulana Masood Azhar from its captivity in return for the freedom of the Indian passengers on the flight.
The decision, however, cost New Delhi dearly. Maulana, who is believed to be hiding in Karachilater became the leader of Jaish-e-Mohammedan organisation which has carried out several terrorist acts against Indian security forces in Kashmir. The Fort houses an Indian military unit and a high-security interrogation cell used both by the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Indian Army.
The terrorists successfully breached the security cover around the Red Fort and opened fire at the Indian military personnel on duty killing two of them on spot. The attack was significant because it was carried out just two days after the declaration of the cease-fire between India and Pakistan. The attack was carried out on 25 Septemberjust few days after state elections were held in Jammu and Kashmir.
Two identical letters found on both the terrorists claimed that the attack was done in retaliation for the deaths of thousands of Muslims during the Gujarat riots. Though no terrorist group claimed responsibility for the attacks, Mumbai Police and RAW suspected Lashkar-e-Toiba 's hand in the twin blasts.
Before the terrorists could reach the main disputed sitethey were shot down by Indian security forces. One Hindu worshipper and two policemen were injured during the incident. This was the first major military standoff between India and Pakistan since the Kargil War in The military buildup was initiated by India responding to a Indian Parliament attack and the Jammu and Kashmir legislative assembly attack.
At least 68 people were killed, mostly Pakistani civilians but also some Indian security personnel and civilians.
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The sole surviving gunman Ajmal Kasab who was arrested during the attacks was found to be a Pakistani national. This fact was acknowledged by Pakistani authorities. Islamabad resisted the claims and demanded evidence.
India provided evidence in the form of interrogations, weapons, candy wrappers, Pakistani Brand Milk Packets, and telephone sets. They also said that, given the sophistication of the attacks, the perpetrators "must have had the support of some official agencies in Pakistan". India and weapons of mass destructionPakistan and weapons of mass destructionand nuclear race India has a long history of development of nuclear weapons. InIndia's nuclear program was aimed at the development of nuclear weapons, with Indira Gandhi carefully overseeing the development of weapons.
Starting preparations for a nuclear test inIndia finally exploded its first nuclear bomb in Pokhran test range, codename Smiling Buddhain No official announcements of such cold tests were made by Pakistan government. Today the two countries have three wars between them, a game of proxies inside Afghanistan, and a nuclear arms race, as well as a smattering of disputes over territory, water, and trade. Cohen thoroughly explains these problems and ironies, offering several explanations: But the real strength of Shooting for a Century is its ability to detail the often-enigmatic psychology of the conflict in both Indian and Pakistani minds.
By taking this approach, he invokes a historical sense of togetherness that is often neglected in the discussions of the conflict.
Interesting Facts about the India-Pakistan Border Ritual
Indian political psychologist Ashis Nandy has eloquently described this paradox: Yet the book offers no new ideas. Ironically, Cohen spends most of the book detailing the intractability of the conflict, claiming chances are high it will never be resolved, only to include a chapter on "Prospects.
It is at this point that Shooting for a Century becomes repetitive, and the continued onslaught of reasons why India and Pakistan hate each other begin to fatigue the reader. Cohen does acknowledge that a "qualified optimism is emerging on both sides and enthusiasm among Pakistanisespecially after the decision in to accept Indian trade terms.
Trade normalization alone will not fix everything because, as Cohen points out, any prospect of major breakthroughs can easily "be blown apart" by serious miscalculations, faulty foreign interventions, or terrorism.Top 10 - What if India and Pakistan were one country? अगर भारत पाकिस्तान आज भी एक होते तो क्या होता?
There are too many spoilers between India and Pakistan for one facet of their relationship to become an all-encompassing solution for peace. Cohen mentions dialogues between former policymakers and civil society organizations, backchannel discussions between government officials, and foreign efforts to normalize, but concludes that none of them will work.
Instead, he makes a prediction: He dismisses as insignificant the ongoing efforts to collaborate on energy, the environment, and accepting the status quo in Kashmir. While Cohen could have written a more succinct book with a sharper argument, his reasoning is right on the mark.
During the Cold War, Pakistan accepted millions of dollars in U. The Americans and Soviets were able to use India and Pakistan in their cold war fight, while the Indians and Pakistanis used their external allies to strengthen conventional military capabilities against the other.
Blaming the Americans Cohen begins the book by blaming the British and ends it with blaming the Americans.
In the final chapter on "American Interests and Policies," he writes, "the Obama administration failed to develop a South Asia policy that would have encompassed both India-Pakistan relations including Kashmir and the grinding war in Afghanistan. Holbrooke, was persona non grata in India, where "Indian officials were so irritated with his mandate that they made it inconvenient for Holbrooke to visit New Delhi.
But Holbrooke was keen on taking a regional approach — something that the Pakistanis themselves welcomed. Pakistan has always wanted the United States to serve as mediator in its conflict with India. The India policy apparatus within the U. Holbrooke finally made it to India in July By that time, he understood that getting it right in Afghanistan meant that India and Pakistan had to start talking — and President Obama and Hillary Clinton agreed.
Holbrooke wanted to host a "quadrilateral" dialogue between the United States, Afghanistan, India and Pakistan that would be similar to the trilateral dialogue he had initiated between the United States, Afghanistan and Pakistan.
It was the only way, Holbrooke thought, to fix Afghanistan, where India-Pakistan tensions bolstered local conflicts. Despite minor fits and starts until the day Holbrooke died in December that year, the talks never happened. Part of the problem went back to what Cohen calls American "organizational pathologies," such as the creation of the SRAP office, which was debilitating for South Asia policy as a whole. It led to "segmented and uncoordinated policymaking," in which offices covering India and Pakistan in the State Department and White House were unable to reconcile opposing viewpoints, became overly turf-conscious, and took on client-like relationships with the countries they worked on.
The memory of the attacks lingered, and lethargic legal systems in both countries meant justice was slow. InIndia eventually sentenced to death and hung Ajmal Kasab, the lone surviving attacker.
But the case against Pakistani facilitators involved in the attacks still lingers in the Lahore High Court.
As for so many other terrorism cases, Pakistani civilians and law enforcement shy away from investigating the LeT for fear of their safety. The Pakistani prosecutor investigating the attacks showed up dead in