BBC News | UK Politics | Gordon Brown's speech in full
Meet Trump's woman on the battleground in London launched into the skies of London on day one of President Trump's first official UK visit. Because of the work of organisations like Relate, Marriage Care, OnePlusOne and self-esteem and hope for the future because of your support in the toughest of times. Why politicians shy away from talking about family . So from next year I am expanding the programme further to reach an additional. Number of workers entering poverty rising faster than employment, says ends meet has become increasingly frayed in 21st-century Britain, the Joseph the number of children who slipped into poverty from a working family rose more Tax and benefit changes since have hit the poorest hardest.
When there are children in need of a loving family, and gay couples with so much love to give, we should not allow prejudice to stand in the way of progress for our children or for our wider society.
That sends a powerful message about who we are as a country in the modern world. So I have asked the Home Office is to look at how we can address this too. Helping families stay together As well as helping families come together, we also need to help families stay together.
We know that one of the biggest strains in a relationship can come from problems with money. And the biggest cause of such problems is not having a job. So this government is offering more support than ever before to help people get jobs. Our economy is growing faster now than at any point in the past 6 years, with 2 million more people in work, overfewer adults on out-of-work benefits and the largest annual fall in youth unemployment since records began.
We also need to help them keep more of what they earn — so they can give their families the chance of a better, more comfortable life. Universal Credit will also ensure that it always pays to work, putting an end to the completely unjust system we inherited, where after the withdrawal of benefits and taxes some low-income families would keep just 4p of every extra pound they earn.
Too often, all the complications of life make it difficult for families to spend time together. Perhaps one partner is working in the day, the other partner at night. Like the birth of your first child — a moment of incredible excitement, but exhaustion and anxiety too.
So, as promised, we are increasing the number of health visitors by 4, and re-orienting them to support not just the mother and child, but the whole family. And we are creating new guidance which will help them identify and support families dealing with relationship problems.
To take just one example - bringing up children in an internet age, you are endlessly worried about what they are going to find online. This is a fantastic investment for government to make.
David Cameron on families
Troubled families Backing families in Britain also means supporting those families who are not coping at all. Maybe there is domestic violence and anti-social behaviour. Maybe there are drug or alcohol addictions. Maybe the children are playing truant and the parents have never worked in their entire lives.
These families can cost us a fortune — in benefits, social workers and prison places. So some people ask: These families need help. We can save huge chunks of that money if we get this right.
And we can make a big difference to the lives of all those affected by these families. But the results are clear. More children going to school, fewer crimes, less anti-social behaviour - and more than 53, of these troubled families turned around. There is no doubt that this programme is a success.
In the past these families were getting visits from the police, from the social workers, from the local school - but there was no-one getting in there to understand the whole situation the family faced and to work with them in tackling the underlying problems.
And we need to do more of it. So from next year I am expanding the programme further to reach an additionaltroubled families over the course of the next Parliament. And we will be setting out more details on this expansion tomorrow.
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Those with no families at all Putting family at the heart of government also means working hard to help those children with no families at all. Over 68, children are in care. And the outcomes for those children have not been good.
We were the first government to create a Pupil Premium to invest more money in the education of children from the poorest families — and, importantly, for children in care too. But children in care need extra help. Too often they have been isolated in our education system, scattered across different schools without the support they need.
The education attainment gap between looked after children and their peers is now closing at all key stages. And today we are going further. State boarding schools are a hidden gem in our education reforms which are delivering consistently good results. They bring extra stability. Support from responsible adults. So we are now going to work with local authorities to get looked-after children priority access to state boarding schools. And that is to help more children in care find a loving a family through adoption.
Of course, putting a child in the care of adoptive parents is a huge responsibility. But in recent times too many loving couples have been put off by a system that is too difficult, too bureaucratic and too time-consuming. A system that has so agonised over finding the perfect match — including the perfect ethnic match — that far too often it has failed to find any match at all.
Frankly, people have sometimes found it easier to fly half-way round the world to adopt than wait for the case system at home to finish agonising about placing black children with white families and vice versa. Rules on race, age and family circumstances. If you are the right person to bring up a child, you should be allowed to do it.
And all this is starting to have some effect. The new figures today suggest that adoptions rose by a quarter in the last year alone. They are different, deeper, bigger, hammered out on the anvil of forces, global in nature, sweeping the world. In the challenges we faced were essentially British.
Today they are essentially global. The world today is a vast reservoir of potential opportunity. New jobs in environmental technology, the creative industries, financial services. Cheap goods and travel. Advances in science and technology.
In 10 years we will think nothing of school-leavers going off to university anywhere in the world. But with these opportunities comes huge insecurity.
In we barely mentioned China. Last year China and India produced more graduates than all of Europe put together. The environment an also-ran. Terrorism meant the IRA. We used to feel we could shut our front door on the problems and conflicts of the wider world. Not with climate change. Not with organised crime. Not when suicide bombers born and bred in Britain bring carnage to the streets of London. In the name of religion. A speech by the Pope to an academic seminar in Bavaria leads to protests in Britain.
The question today is different to the one we faced in It is how we reconcile openness to the rich possibilities of globalisation, with security in the face of its threats. How to be open and secure.
And again, there is a third way. Some want a fortress Britain - job protection, pull up the drawbridge, get out of international engagement. Others see no option but to submit to global forces and let the strongest survive. Our answer is very clear. It is, once again, to help people through a changing world by using collective power to advance opportunity and provide security for all.
To reconcile openness and security as we reconciled aspiration and compassion, not as enemies but as partners in progress. The British people today are reluctant global citizens. We must make them confident ones. The danger in all this, for us, is not ditching New Labour. The danger is failing to understand that New Labour in won't be New Labour in Our aim is bybut by the end of the next parliament at the latest - we are going to do it.
Four million British workers live in poverty, charity says
Rodney Bickerstaffe has become New Labour. Or have I become Old Labour? Now I'm advocating it. I would have baulked at restrictions on advertising junk food to children. Today I say unless a voluntary code works, we will legislate for it.
Today, I believe without it, we are going to face an energy crisis and we can't let that happen. Over the next year we are reviewing every aspect of our economic policy, not because we were wrong in the past, but because whether in tax and spending, regulation, planning, enterprise, the question is not about our competitiveness in the last 10 years, but in the next Developing financial services and the City of London; the creative industries and modern manufacturing.
How to be the world's number one place of choice for bio-science - if America does not want stem-cell research - we do. How to fund transport through road-pricing. I say to business: Global warming is the greatest long-term threat to our planet's environment. Scarce energy resources mean rising prices and will threaten our country's economy. We need therefore the most radical overhaul of energy policy since the War. In the future, as people live longer, we can't afford good pensions and help for disabled people who can't work, with 4 million people on benefit, many of whom could work.
Almost a million less than there were. That is why we need more radical welfare reform, getting more disabled people, more lone parents, more on unemployment benefit, into work, not to destroy the welfare state.
But to preserve it. And why is reform so important in public services? Over the past 10 years Britain has invested more in our public services than any comparable nation in the world. From near the bottom in Europe to the average in a decade.
Refurbishing or rebuilding every state secondary school in the country. This isn't privatising state education; it's producing the best schools results ever. People want power in their own hands.
Two thirds of the country has access to the internet. Millions of people are ordering flights or books or other goods on-line, they are talking to their friends on-line, downloading music, all of it when they want to, not when the shop or office is open.
The Google generation has moved beyond the idea ofclosed on weekends and bank holidays.
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Today's technology is profoundly empowering. Of course public services are different. Their values are different. But today people won't accept a service handed down from on high. They want to shape it to their needs, and the reality of their lives. The same global forces changing business are at work in public services too.
New ways of treating. New ways of teaching. There will be no selective trust schools or city academies. But if, as at the academy I visited in Lewisham, good GCSE results doubled in a year, and a school once under-subscribed, now five times over-subscribed, how is that a denial of public service values? Surely it is the most vivid affirmation of them. And if an old age pensioner who used to wait 2 years for her cataract operation now gets it on the NHS in an independent treatment centre, in 3 months, free at the point of use, that is not damaging the NHS; it is fulfilling its purpose.
It will be who comes first. And our answer has to be. The patient; the parent. Meeting the 18 weeks maximum for waiting in the NHS with an average of 9 weeks from the door of the GP to the door of the operating theatre. The end of waiting in the NHS. Transforming secondary schools in the way we have done for primary schools.
Schools with three quarters of children getting good results the norm. Do this and we will have earned the right to be custodians of our public services for the next generation.
If we fail, and without change we will, then believe me: I want change true to progressive values, done by a fourth term Labour Government. I always said the Home Office was the toughest job in government. It hasn't got easier. We should get a few facts straight.
Crime has fallen not risen. We are the only government since the war to do it. Asylum applications are dealt with faster, removals are greater, the system infinitely better than the chaos we inherited in But the fact is that the world is changing so fast that the reality we are dealing with - mass migration, organised crime, ASB - has engulfed systems designed for a time gone by. Visitors, tourists, workers, students.
Our economy needs them. Yet we have no means of checking who is here lawfully. I don't want to live in a police state, or a Big Brother society or put any of our essential freedoms in jeopardy. But because our idea of liberty is not keeping pace with change in reality, those freedoms are in jeopardy. When crimes go unpunished, that is a breach of the victim's liberty and human rights. When organised crime gangs are free to practice their evil, countless young people have their liberty and often their lives damaged.
When ASB goes unchecked, each and every member of the community in which it happens, has their human rights broken. When we can't deport foreign nationals even when inciting violence the country is at risk. Immigration has benefited Britain. But I know that if we don't have rules that allow us some control over who comes in, goes out, who has a right to stay and who has not, then instead of a welcome, migrants find fear.
We can only protect liberty by making it relevant to the modern world. That is why Identity Cards using biometric technology are not a breach of our basic rights, they are an essential part of responding to the reality of modern migration and protecting us against identity fraud. I remember when I introduced the DNA database.
On it go all those who are arrested. We were told it was a monstrous breach of liberty. But it is now matching 3, offences a month including last year several hundred murders, and thousands of rapes and other violent offences.
Difficult reform leading to real progress in the fight against crime. In the next parliamentary session, the centre-piece will be John Reid's immigration and law and order reforms. I ask people of all parties to support them. Let liberty stand up for the law-abiding. And of course, the new anxiety is the global struggle against terrorism without mercy or limit.
This is a struggle that will last a generation and more. But this I believe passionately: This terrorism isn't our fault.
We didn't cause it. It's not the consequence of foreign policy. It's an attack on our way of life. It has an ideology. It killed nearly 3, people including over 60 British on the streets of New York before war in Afghanistan or Iraq was even thought of. It has been decades growing. Over 30 nations in the world. It preys on every conflict. It exploits every grievance. And its victims are mainly Muslim. This is not our war against Islam.
This is a war fought by extremists who pervert the true faith of Islam. And all of us, Western and Arab, Christian or Muslim, who put the value of tolerance, respect and peaceful co-existence above those of sectarian hatred, should join together to defeat them.
It is not British soldiers who are sending car bombs into Baghdad or Kabul to slaughter the innocent. They are there along with troops of 30 other nations with, in each case, a full UN mandate at the specific request of the first ever democratically elected Governments of those countries in order to protect them against the very ideology also seeking the deaths of British people in planes across the Atlantic.
If we retreat now, hand Iraq over to Al Qaida and sectarian death squads and Afghanistan back to Al Qaida and the Taleban, we won't be safer; we will be committing a craven act of surrender that will put our future security in the deepest peril. Of course it's tough. Not a day goes by or an hour in the day when I don't reflect on our troops with admiration and thanks - the finest, the best, the bravest, any nation could hope for.
They are not fighting in vain. But for this nation's future. But this is not a conventional war. It can't be won by force alone. It's not a clash of civilisations. It's about civilisation, about the ideas that shape it. If we want our values to be the ones that govern global change, we have to show that they are fair, just and delivered with an even hand.
From now until I leave office I will dedicate myself, with the same commitment I have given to Northern Irelandto advancing peace between Israel and Palestine. I may not succeed. But I will try because peace in the Middle East is a defeat for terrorism. We must never again let Lebanon become the battleground for a conflict that neither Israeli or Lebanese people wanted though it was they who paid the price for it. Peace in Lebanon is a defeat for terrorism. Action in Africa is a defeat for terrorism.
What is happening now in the Sudan cannot stand. If this were in the continent of Europe we would act. Showing an African life is worth as much as a Western one - that would help defeat terrorism too. Yes it's hard sometimes to be America's strongest ally. Yes, Europe can be a political headache for a proud sovereign nation like Britain. But believe me there are no half-hearted allies of America today and no semi-detached partners in Europe.
And the truth is that nothing we strive for, from the world trade talks to global warming, to terrorism and Palestine can be solved without America, or without Europe. At the moment I know people only see the price of these alliances. Give them up and the cost in terms of power, weight and influence for Britain would be infinitely greater. Distance this country and you may find it's a long way back.
So all these changes of a magnitude we never dreamt of, sweeping the world, are calling for answers of equal magnitude and vision. And here is something else I've learnt. The danger for us today is not reversion to the politics of the s. It is retreat to the sidelines.
To the comfort zone.
It is unconsciously to lose the psychology of a governing party. As I said incourage is our friend. A governing party has confidence, self-belief. It sees the tough decision and thinks it should be taking it. Reaches for responsibility first. The most common phrase uttered to me - and not at rallies or public events but in meetings of chance, quietly, is not "I hate you" or "I like you" but "I would not have your job for all the world".
The British people will, sometimes, forgive a wrong decision. They won't forgive not deciding. They know the choices are hard. They know there isn't some fantasy government where nothing difficult ever happens. They've got the Lib Dems for that. Government isn't about protests or placards, shouting the odds or stealing the scene. It's about the hard graft of achievement. There are no third-term popular governments. Don't ignore the polls but don't be paralysed by them either.
Time gives us experience. Our capacity to lead is greater. Time gives the people fatigue; their willingness to be led, is less.