The relationship between stimulus equivalence and verbal behavior.
Stimulus-response behaviour: animal behaviour: Instinctive learning: to associate a novel (conditioned) stimulus with a familiar (unconditioned) one. Despite the apparent similarity between stimulus equivalence and verbal behavior, these phenomena have been described in different terms. With different. Stimulus-response theory: automata theory: The finite automata of McCulloch and Pitts: implies a behaviour in the guise of a listing of responses to all possible stimuli. simply the relationship between a stimulus and a verbal response.
It acts as an incentive or stimulant which arouses action which may either be negative or positive. In all living things, a stimulus causes a reaction. It can cause an obvious change in the internal or external physical condition of an organism. A stimulus appears as an energy pattern which can affect the behavior of an organism, particularly of man. It is experienced by man through his senses of vision, hearing, touch, taste, and smell.
There are four aspects of a stimulus, namely: A response is the behavior that is manifested by a living organism which is the result of an external or internal stimulus.
It is the activity of the organism or of his body parts as a reaction to the stimulation of his senses. The detection and receipt of the stimulus by an organism and its conversion into a signal is the response of the organism to the stimulus.
The response may be cellular or physical, or it can be behavioral. An example of a cellular response is when a person exhibits allergic reactions to certain substances that he ingests. Given the proximity in the brain between the olfactory system and the limbic system, then assuming that the mood is a strong mediator between environmental valenced events and behavioral responses is likely to be one straightforward explanation of the following results.
The authors had, as a working hypothesis, the idea that an imminent sensory classification of our environmental stimuli as ecologically versus nonecologically relevant would be in terms of food potentially dangerous versus nonfood categories.
Consequently, negative odors e. In addition, they manipulated another factor, which is the edibility On the Relationship Between Stimulus Valence, Emotional Bias, and Behavior 3 associated with the perceived odor. To do so, Boesveldt et al.
The results showed that food odor that is perceived as negative i. More recently, Moss and Oliver showed that their participants performed better in a series of mental tasks involving visual processing and mental arithmetic after exposure to rosemary scent. The authors invited twenty healthy participants to do the tasks in experimental booths in which a rosemary essential oil scent had previously been spread for 4, 6, 8, or 10 minutes. Their results showed that at higher concentration level, participants showed better scores in correct answers and reaction times.
These authors also had measured the pre-experimental and post-experimental mood of their participants. At the subliminal level, Li, Moallem, Paller, and Gottfried presented their participants with pleasant, neutral, or unpleasant odors delivered below detection thresholds prior to neutral faces presentation.
Stimulus-response behaviour | psychology | jogglerwiki.info
Participants had to rate their liking of these faces. Their results showed that the priming effect of odor on social preference is only working with participants who are unaware of the smells prior to the rating task.
These interesting findings point out to the fact that subsequent evaluation perceptual or social of subliminally primed stimuli can be disrupted or even inhibited when top-down i. A considerable literature has shown that when we are in a good mood, we see the world in a more friendly way, and our judgments are more positive.
Likewise, when we are in a bad mood, we tend to evaluate things around us in a negative way. This statement refers to a well-established concept known as affective congruency effect. The latter is defined as the adequacy between the emotional tone of our affective state and the produced judgment or preference responses.
According to the affect-as-information framework Schwarz and Clore,positive affect signals that the environment is safe, whereas negative affect signals that a potential threat is lurking in our environment.
Consequently, positive emotional states do not require any particular cognitive resources, and people in good mood care less about detail processing. Conversely, negative emotional state may foster a systematic processing that is effort consuming and typically suitable for handling extreme situations. In accordance with this affect-as-information hypothesis, Bless Bless et al.
One basic tenet of this model is that moods can activate memories, concepts, and categories that are congruent with their valence. Goldberg and Gorn manipulated the affective valence of the context by presenting TV commercials within happy or sad programs.
They found that happy programs induced positive cognitive response toward commercials viewed in this context and triggered a better perception of their effectiveness. Following up on this experiment, Kamins, Marks, and Skinner had their participants to watch TV commercials within programs that induce either happy or sad emotional state.
In the same line of reasoning, Petty, Schumann, Richman, and Strathman examined, in one of their experiments, the impact of emotional information by putting their participants under low vs. Participants in the control condition had listened to classical music instead of writing. They found that participants in experimental conditions reported feeling more positive mood than the control group.
Clore and Storbeck induced positive or negative mood for their participants by presenting them with sad or happy music prior to the categorization, judgment, or lexical decision task. Their results revealed that positive mood significantly facilitated priming effects relative to negative mood over the three priming tasks.
Humans are highly biased in categorizing their emotional expressions into two broad categories: Hence, they perceive them as rather polarized and opposite of each other. Sadness, disgust, and anger are certainly perceived as negative emotions; likewise, joy, enthusiasm, and empathy are perceived as positive emotions, but did they predict the same outcome? A growing number of research starts to question the relevance of this assumed categorization by showing that different negative emotions does not necessarily produce the same effects e.
In one of their experiments, Bodenhausen, Sheppard, and Kramer manipulated the mood of their participants to have neutral, sad, or angry group.
The task consisted of reading a persuasive message that advocated the driving age limit of 16 to be legal, before agreeing or not to its content. The authors also manipulated the source of this message, which can be written either by a group of students or by a group of transportation policy experts. Interestingly, their results showed that angry participants agreed more with the second source than with the first.
The relationship between stimulus equivalence and verbal behavior
This result suggests that, unlike sadness, anger make participants heed more the credibility of the source of information prior to the evaluation of the persuasive message. Following up on Bodenhausen et al. In the same vein, Tiedens and Linton found that unlike sadness, anger promotes cognitive economy by reducing the processing effort. According to them, each discrete emotion is associated with specific appraisal patterns.
What can be seen from this stream of research is that the valence of affect is not the only element to consider in understanding the effects of emotional states but also the nature of the situation, the type and content of the problem, and the level of situational and perceptual awareness of the subject, all together can put in difficult situations theories that consider valence a keystone in their approach.
Murphy and Zajonc presented participants with subliminal pictures of happy or angry faces and asked them to rate their liking of neutral Chinese characters presented immediately after the subliminal face stimuli. They found that characters following happy faces were liked more and rated as better objects than characters following angry faces. Niedenthal presented subliminal pictures of faces expressing joy or disgust prior to cartoon characters with ambiguous emotional expressions.
In one experiment, they found that happy faces caused participants to pour and consume more beverage but only when the participants were thirsty. The judgment of target words as referring to good e. They also replicated the congruency effect at the subliminal level with priming effect being greater in the presence of congruent prime-target combinations e. More recently, Luo et al. They presented a masked prime that was either a repeat or unrelated word of the target that has positive, negative, or neutral meanings.
Their results revealed that priming effect in left mid-fusiform gyrus was greater in the positive than in the negative word condition, but no effect of valence or repetition was found in the amygdala.
More recently, Gibbons found that the emotional valence of subliminally presented prime words affected the subsequent evaluation of pictures of landscape paintings and portrait. Marzouki-Skandrani and Marzouki investigated the effects of emotional repetition priming on decision making in a hiring situation.
They asked their participants to choose the most likely candidates to fit to the job position, although all applicants shared equivalent high level of education and career backgrounds. Prior to the task, the authors highlighted the fact that a very limited number of positions were required for the job; consequently, it succumbs solely to the participant the whole responsibility of making an appropriate hiring decision.
Prior to target presentation, a face prime was briefly presented for 50ms.
The relationship between stimulus equivalence and verbal behavior.
The authors manipulated the relatedness of the prime and target faces same face vs. Their results revealed a strong effect of emotional priming.
With respect to the number of candidates chosen for final selection, participants tended to choose more target faces preceded by positive primes. RT responses were significantly faster when participants responded to target faces preceded by primes with negative emotion relative to positive emotion. The latter results are consistent with previous studies that have shown a facilitating role of positive emotion on human performance. This facilitation is reflected in favorable feedback that has been observed in various tasks such as evaluation, judgment, and decision.
They extend the experimental manipulation of subliminal emotion to the case of the masked repetition priming technique. More studies are needed to enrich our understanding of the nature of processes involved in this feedback flowing from the information below the threshold of consciousness.
Convergent findings in cognitive neuroscience of emotion can be reassuring about the neuro-plausibility of such effects.
A relatively comprehensive review was provided by Vuilleumier about neural mechanisms that might explain differential reactions of the organism depending on the awareness toward the stimuli. The corpus of results that the author presented supported the idea that the amygdala increased perceptual processing of emotional stimuli, especially by responding more to negative threat and fear than neutral stimuli e.
As we showed above, awareness is not necessary for the occurrence of emotional effects. After a careful experimental control of the priming or induction procedure such as using visual- masking techniques or also attention manipulation, see Merikle and Joordens,perceptual awareness of emotional source can be ruled out, and emotional effects can be obtained e.
Affective primacy Zajonc, and the affect-as-information models see Clore, Gasper, and Garvin, ; Schwarz and Clore, had provided an interesting account to the understanding of unconscious influence of emotion on later behavior. The affect-as-information model is based on the assumption that emotional processes occur without conscious awareness. Hence, affective feelings allow us to explicitly learn about our own implicit judgments and decisions.
Moreover, these models allow a straightforward assumptions stating that negative affect may foster a processing style that is characterized by bottom-up processing, whereas positive affect may foster a top-down processing style that relies more on general knowledge structures Bless and Schwarz, ; Clore, Gasper, and Garvin, As can be noted, memory-based models of emotion e.
Bower ; Isen explain mood effects on cognition by the increase of the accessibility of mood-congruent information. Accordingly, the typically measured dependent variables, which are response rate e. With respect to the latter, if we need to draw a model that would capture all the effects presented in this review, then we first need to list all the key ingredients involved in the picture and then clarify some ground levels.
So far, the main components of such model are as follows: The levels of analysis stem from the following questions: Is the subject aware of the emotional source of information? The yes answer to both these questions entails that the affect-as-information model Schwarz and Clore, predictions will hold. Hence, positive affect will trigger heuristic information processing strategies causing many details to be skipped unless it is required by other goals in the task, whereas negative affect will trigger systematic processing strategies resulting in an effortful uptake of the information.
We still need to explain more about the absence of awareness and the absence of mood induction. Actually, few studies in the literature questioned the processing of emotional stimuli in the absence of conscious awareness.
I tried in Figure 1 to provide a model based on relatively reliable documented relationships between emotional valence, mood, and cognition. After gathering converging 8 Yousri Marzouki evidence from behavioral and neuroscientific studies as mentioned in previous sections, an integrative approach is worthy to be laid out. The results of Skandrani-Marzouki and Marzouki where mood is not explicitly measured during the experiment revealed differential subliminal emotional effects with respect to speed and preference.
Conversely, in the presence of positive prime, participants were very slow to give a positive response. This leaves us with a result that cannot be supported by the affect-as-information predictions. Intuitively, systematic strategy is assumed to be effortful and slow because available information is processed in detailed fashion.
On the other hand, heuristic strategy, typically associated with positive moods, is assumed to be fast because many details are ignored. One possible explanation can be attributed to the insufficient activation of mood provided by the subliminal prime. Add to that the absence of conscious perception of any emotion-related information. Hence, following up on this finding, Marzouki, Besson, and Skandrani-Marzouki examined the influence of conscious affective induction on subliminal emotional priming in a pleasantness judgment task.
A group of participants was assigned to each level of induction as follows: After being presented during 2. To do so, Marzouki et al. The participants were asked to judge as rapidly as possible whether the abstract target picture was "pleasant" or "unpleasant.
Participants reacted faster when presented with target preceded by negative primes than positive primes. Moreover, cross- condition analysis showed that participants had the slowest RTs in the negative induction condition relative to positive and absence of induction conditions. These findings showed that conscious affective induction can have a strong suppressive top-down effect on subliminal emotional effect if the consciously perceived affective source is negative, whereas in the presence of a consciously perceived positive source, the affective induction can modulate emotional subliminal priming.
The model in Figure 1 engages perceptual awareness in a key role when valenced sources of information are available.
Perceptual awareness basically filters out the stream of information and will eventually trigger a sufficient threshold for mood activation. Consequently, the model assumes that mood is solicited when awareness is engaged. Once the level of activation is reached then processing styles such as systematic vs. This part of the model can be inserted within the affect-as-information framework.